Washington Haber Forum-Washington News Forum: 05/01/2005 - 06/01/2005

Monday, May 30, 2005

The Future of Uyghur Nationalism and Its Impact on US-China Relations

Tugrul Keskingoren(1)

The aim of my study is to provide a historical overview of Uyghur
nationalism in China after the occupation of the Eastern Turkistan
Republic, and to provide insight into future ramifications for US-
China relations. Furthermore, I will analyze the elements that have
caused the rise in the Uyghur nationalist movement. In regards to
international relations and politics today, nationalist movements
throughout the world have been undergoing a period of transformation
following the break-up of the Soviet Union. The trend has been that
micro-nationalist and separatist movements from Iraq to East Timor
have been steadily on the increase. These new emerging ethnic and
nationalist movements challenge the nature of the state and cause a
confrontation with state authority. More democratic demands by ethnic
and nationalist movements also create more lawlessness and chaos in
the developing countries. Regardless of the condition of the economy,
culture, and politics, this new challenge by the separatist
nationalist movements maintains a pervasive state of destabilization
for these countries, which are also dealing with ethnic conflict.

Moreover, the globalization and rise of Islamic Movements bring a new
and more complex structure to the ethnic and nationalist movements.
Ethno-nationalist movements have been one of the key elements in
International Relations today. Following September 11, US national
security and its interests cannot ignore the importance of the
geographical location of Central Asia and the Xinjiang region.
Xinjiang, historically known as Eastern Turkistan, is one of the
largest provinces of China, and the size of the region is larger than
Uzbekistan, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Turkmenistan. In
Uyghur nationalism, religion has always been a key factor of their
social structure. Today, Uyghurs are predominantly Muslim, and use
Arabic scripts. After the invasion of Afghanistan by the US military,
a little more than a hundred Uyghurs were captured in Afghanistan,
and placed in Taliban training camps, and most of them were later
released by the US authorities. However, twenty-two Uyghurs were put
into the prison in Guantanamo. This was the beginning of a new
foreign policy challenge to the US and is one that has badly
influenced relations between the US and China. Today, Uyghur
nationalism consists of religious elements and a secular structure.
Unfortunately, the religious components in Uyghur nationalism are
overwhelmingly dominant. The current conflict among Uyghur
associations outside of China is a good example of the position of
Uyghurs, who are at the beginning of this split. If the current
conflict continues, then the Uyghur Nationalist movement will be
divided.

According to the theory of nationalism and ethnicity, and with some
exceptions, nationalist movements usually have a secular structure
under normal circumstances. For instance, modern Kurdish and Turkish
nationalisms are important examples of secular movements. However,
there is always a diverse structure within nationalist movements,
therefore religion and nationalism go together. They overlap on many
subjects; consequently in some instances it is hard to separate
religion from nationalism. Uyghur nationalism is one of the important
examples of nationalism that exists as a combination between religion
and secular nationalistic ideas, especially in the last decade.

Uyghurs are an indigenous population of Central Asia and the West
part of China, called Xinjiang in Chinese. Uyghurs have called their
homeland Eastern Turkistan. China has many different ethnic and
religious groups, but the Uyghur case is very unique, because Uyghurs
are ethnically and religiously very distinctive from the Chinese.
There are many other Muslim minorities in China, but the Uyghur is
the dominant ethnic group, among Muslims with a population of
approximately 20 million people.(2) We have no exact number, because
after the Cultural Revolution there has been domestic migration that
has taken place within the last thirty years and the demographic
structure in Eastern Turkistan has changed to the detriment of the
Uyghur population. Within the next ten to fifteen years, Uighurs will
be a minority group in their homeland.

The history of the Chinese invasion of Eastern Turkistan goes back to
the 18th century. The Chinese renamed the region to Xinjiang in 1884,
a name that means `new land.' In 1946, the Eastern Turkistan Republic
was established, and Isa Yusuf Alptekin became the president of the
Republic until another Chinese invasion took place in 1949. Finally,
the leaders of the Eastern Turkistan republic escaped from the region
through Pakistan and India. The USSR and China agreed to control the
border between Xinjiang and the neighboring region, Central Asia.
Central Asia was now entirely under the control of the USSR, and the
Communist party tried to create a different identity, because of the
influence of so-called "separatist movements" such as the Uyghurs.

The Uyghurs in China and other Central Asian ethnic groups in the
USSR such as the Uzbek, Kazakh, Kyrgyz, Turkmen as well as other
small tribal and ethnic groups, also have very similar cultural,
ethnic, and religious backgrounds. For the Uyghurs, in terms of the
similarities of their language, it is very easy to communicate with
the other Central Asian nations; therefore, in order to prevent
separatism, between 1949 and 1991, the USSR and China suppressed the
minorities groups in Central Asia. They had been somehow successful
until the collapse of the USSR regime. The new global political
environment instead helps the new ethnic and nationalist movements to
flourish in Central Asia. In 1991, five Central Asian countries
achieved independence from Russia. This is another factor that
influenced the Uighur movement in Xinjiang.

After the collapse of the USSR, religion and religious movements in
Central Asia have revitalized from underground. The Taliban came to
power in Afghanistan in 1996. In Pakistan, Cemaal-ul Islamiye became
stronger among traditional Muslims. In Uzbekistan, a neighbor to
Xinjiang, the IMU -Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan also was another
important factor that influenced the radicalization of the Uighur
movement. The IMU is closely affiliated with Al-Qaida, and is under
the leadership of Tohir Yoldashev, who had close relations with the
Uighur movement. In Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan, Hizb-ut Tahrir has
been popular among youngsters who speak the same dialect with
Uyghurs. In large part, these are the regional political changes that
influence the Uighur movement.

In summary, in March of this year, the World Uighur Congress was
formed, and many different Uighur groups came to the conclusion that
a united Uyghur movement is a more effective way to fight against and
obtain independence from China. Separate and in opposition to the
united Uighur movement, other Uighur groups formed an exile Uighur
government in September 14 of this year. This second group contains
more religious elements than the World Uighur Congress. Therefore,
the Uighur movement is made up of the split of these two elements.
Today, China's growing economy has changed Chinese social and
political structure. Between the US and China, there used to be two
important political factors, Taiwan and Tibet. However today, there
is a third and perhaps more important political subject that has
emerged, and that is Uyghur Nationalism.

1)Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, Department of
Sociology-560 McBryde Hall, Blacksburg, VA 24061-USA. tugrulk@vt.edu
http://tugrulkeskingoren.blogspot.com

2)According to Fredrick Starr's recent Book "Xinjiang: Chinese Muslim
Borderland," the total Xinjiang population was 15 million in 1990.

Wednesday, May 25, 2005

The Joint Declaration of the National Forces of Turkey

and

the Turkoman Organizations of Iraq


9.Mai 2005

Intent upon defending the National State of Turkey and helping the
Atatürk Revolution achieve its aims, we, the national forces of Turkey
and the representatives of the Turkoman people in Iraq, situated at
the forefront of the threats directed at the Republic of Turkey, make
the following declaration to the public opinions of Turkey, Iraq, the
Middle East and the world; under such conditions when various
opinions are voiced that Ankara does not have a national policy
concerning Iraq.

1. National Strategy: Our National Strategy which is to determine the
policies of Turkey on Iraq has already been determined by the Turkish
Liberation War and the Republican Reforms, under the guidance of our
great leader, Atatürk. The target of this strategy is to complete the
Atatürk Revolution and to restructure our National State under the
conditions of the 21st century and to carry our nation to the
distinguished position among the leaders of contemporary
civilization, where she belongs.

2. Territorial Integrity and Natural Resources of Iraq: The
territorial integrity of iraq is of vital importance for the
territorial integrity of Turkey. The natural resources of Iraq belong
to all the Iraqi people. Iraq belongs to the Iraqi people.

3. The Future and the Constitution of Iraq Will be Determined by the
Iraqi people: It is only up to the Iraqi people as a whole to make the
new constitution and to determine how she will be governed. The will
and government of the Iraqi people cannot be divided on any account,
be it ethnic or religious.

4. Iraq, Cleared of Occupation: The US occupation and Israeli
intervention in Iraq must be stopped. The right of independence and
freedom for Iraq is a primal human right.

5. Recent Elections are Unlawful: The general elections held in
January 2005, in Iraq showed the will of the occupational forces, not
that of the Iraqi people; for this reason, they are not lawful and
democratic and therefore, illegal. The elections of January 2005 are
not acceptable.

6. The Puppet State is Unacceptable: The state established by the
occupational forces in the north of Iraq during the post 1990 phase,
does not represent Iraqi people and any inseperable part of it. The
fellow Kurdish people will not accept a state founded by the
occupational forces as its own and will not be a tool in the
Cursaders' hands. This artificial state is not legal both in respect
to Iraqi laws and to international law. This Puppet State is deployed
by outside forces, with the pressures from the US and Israel as an
essential element of the Greater Middle East Project, to play the role
of a second Israel. The purpose is to manipulate not only the Kurdish
administrators but also all the countries of the region, including
Turkey, through this state, using the threat of diving them and
actually to divide them, when they feel the need and to turn northern
Iraq into a US and Israeli base against all the Asian countries and
the countries of the world. To accept the Puppet State and to
recognize it in actual practice as a lawful state or its role as a
security guard for its masters, means to betray the Constitution of
the Turkish Republic, the unity and integrity of our country, the
Republic, Atatürk's principle of Peace both within and outside the
country, our traditional asset of solidarity with our neighbours and
the cause of humanity. The red border lines which divide the
unacceptable terms and safeguard the unity and integrity of Turkey are
still valid. That Red Line has now assumed the meaning of defending
the whole Turkish territory.

7. Kirkuk and Mosul Region is a key Region: Turkey, with the Good
Neighbourly Relations Agreement, signed in June 1926, accepted that
Mosul, which had been considered to be a part of Turkish territory so
far, accepted that it would be considered to lie, from then on, within
the boundaries of Iraqi borders. It is, therefore, against the 1926
agreement, international law and the vital interests of Turkey that
the Kirkuk and Mosul region should be handed over to any state,
federation, confederation or autonomous region established by the
occupational forces. Throughout history, Kirkuk and Mosul, with their
majority of Turkoman and Arabic population and rich oil resources have
been the key element of the unity and territorial integrity of Iraq.
All the attempts and practices of the occupational forces and their
conspirators to change the demographic composition of the region, to
destroy the existing land registers, to seize the oil in the region,
with the intention of dividing Iraq, are invalid.

8. The expansion of the Puppet State Should be Stopped: The Puppet
State, established by the US and Israel, in northern Iraq cannot be
permitted to expand towards south and west and to seize the Iraqi oil
in the Kirkuk region and the agricultural areas in the Tall Afar
region. The loss of Kirkuk will lead to the loss of Diyarbakýr; the
loss of Diyarbakýr will lead to the loss of Ankara and Ýstanbul. This
is the formula. In this respect, it is a patriotic duty to stop the
expansion of the Puppet State. The practice of supporting the Puppet
State with the economic means of Turkey should also be stopped
immediately and an alternative border gate should be opened.

9. Support for the Unity of all the People of Iraq: We support the
unity of all the people of Iraq with all its ethnic and religious
groups, under the identity Iraqi people. We condemn all the plots and
activities directed at dividing Iraqi people, with imperialist aims.
We support every effort of the Turkoman, Kurdish, Shiite and Sunni
communities to unite for the unity, independence and sovereignty of
Iraq. Within this context, we condemn the efforts by the US and
Israel to push especially the fellow Kurdish people and organizations
to the forefront into the heat of battle. We are warning the leaders
who have become tools in the hands of the US and Israel, to stay loyal
to our common history of thousands of years and to look forward to a
shared future. It is our duty to isolate the efforts of cooperation
with the imperialists, no matter which ethnic group or religious sect
they are owned by, to save the fellow Kurdish masses and organizations
of Iraq from betrayal and to win them to the cause of independence
and sovereignty of Iraq.

10. Equal rights, fraternity, peace and welfare for ethnic and
religious groups: We consider the equality, fraternity and welfare
of all the ethnic and religious groups in Iraq as sound securities in
the struggle for the reestablishment of unity and integrity of Iraq
and support all the efforts in this direction. All the practices of
inequality and discrimination handed over from Iraq's past must be
wiped out with all their cultural foundations.

11. The Unity of the Turkomans: We will carry on the efforts
directed at unifying Turkomans who are a sound security of the unity
of the Iraqi people and the territorial integrity of Iraq, on the
basis of tolerance to different views and beleifs.

12. Cooperation of Turkish, Iranian and Syrian States and the People
of Iraq in all fields: It is an obligation that Turkish, Iranian and
Syrian States cooperate with the people of Iraq to secure the
independence and territorial integrity of Iraq. Here lies the power
which will establish peace and fraternity and create the solution in
Iraq. This cooperation which takes its strength from the will to
independence and from the tradition of neighbourly relations of the
countries and peoples of the region, is realistic. There is no other
solution to secure and maintain stability and peace in the region,
besides the independence and solidarity of the countries and the
peoples of the world. This cooperation should be realized immediately
in all fields including security. The countries of the region, with
this historical attitude, are in a position to play leading roles for
world peace.

13. Cooperation with Arabic Countries and Other Neighbours: We
support cooperation and solidarity with all the Arabic countries and
peoples, especially the fellow Palestinian State and people and all
the other neighbouring countries and peoples against foreign
intervention to the region.

14. Eurasian Alliance: We consider the solidarity of Eurasian
countries situated on the axis of Turkey, Iran, Russia, Central Asian
Republics, India and the People's Republic of China, against the
policy of war, separationism and destruction pursued by the USA, with
the aim of founding a monopolar world and against all the plots,
practices and provocations in this respect; not only as a means of
peace and unity in Iraq but also as the widest front of World Peace
and we heartily support this axis of solidarity.

15. The Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) should be
recognized: Today a forefront has been formed between Cyprus and
Northern Iraq against imperialist occupation and intervention. The
TRNC, under the leadership of President Rauf Denktaþ; the National
Forces of Turkey; the people of Iraq; Iraqi Turkomans; the states and
peoples of Syria, Iran and Palestine are resisting in the forefront,
against these imperialist forces in the name of all humanity.
Atatürk's Turkey has been put under pressure from this front. The US
and Israel are pursuing a policy of pressure over Turkey in Cyprus and
of taking over Turkey completely in Northern Iraq.

The conditions of international recognition of the TRNC by the
countries of the region and the world exist and are growing stronger.
This is needed for Turkey to resist these pressures. In view of this
fact, we remind all the peace loving countries of the region and the
world that they have a responsibility of supporting the forefront of
humanity and we demand that they immediately start the procedures of
international recognition of the TRNC as the primary task to
accomplish within this context.

16. Withdrawing from Candidacy to EU Membership: Turkey has been
pinned down to the door steps of the EU by the USA in the recent
years. All the practices directed at liquidating the national state
founded under the leadership of Atatürk, destroying the national
economy and corrupting the national culture have all been forced upon
Turkey with the conditions for EU membership. We are proceeding
towards destruction and division, with the hope of finding treasure
on the doorsteps of the EU. The hopes of the Turkish nation,
especially those of our Kurdish citizens, who are an integral part of
our nation, are directed at Washington and Brussels. The Turkish
Republic is no more presented as a hope, whereas, in reality it is
one's own national state which provides the sole means and frame for
reaching freedom and prosperity. For these reasons, Turkey should
withdraw its appeal for EU membership, and to tear up the Candidate
Membership Protocol without delay, in order to safeguard its national
existence and to head for national targets. A new cooperation should
be started with the EU, on the basis of respect for independence,
territorial integrity, sovereignity and mutual interests.
Possibilities of cooperation with the European countries should be
aimed at and realized on the point of safeguarding the territorial
integrity and the natural resources of Iraq.

17. The Ýncirlik military base should be closed to the US forces and
taken under the control of the Turkish State and Army: Permitting
Ýncirlik to be used as a base for intervention to Iraq and the
neighboring countries is yielding to a great and hot threat against
Turkey as well. It is a vital task to clear Turkey of all foreign
bases and soldiers, in view of the future prospects of Turkey. The US
must leave Ýncirlik immediately and this military base must be taken
under the control of the Turkish state and Army, along with the others.

18. A National State, A National Government: Turkey can overcome
the threat she is facing, only by mobilizing all her national forces
and assets. For this reason, it has become a key issue to form a
national government which will save the National State from
destruction by pursuing Atatürk's program and strategy and will carry
Turkey to the distinguished position among the leaders of the 21st
century where she belongs, also in order to harmonize the policy of
Iraq with national aims.

We, as the National Forces of Turkey and the Turkoman organizations
in Iraq, summarize the National policy of Iraq in five points, as:

1. the unity of Turkey

2. the unity of the Turkomans

3. the unity of Iraq

4. the unity of the countries and peoples of the region

5. the unity of Eurasia.

We further declare that we will join our forces to realize a National
Government, who will put into practice the National policy of Iraq.

We trust in the great historical heritage of the people of Turkey who
once established the Republic of Turkey, to make this national policy
of Iraq the official policy of the Turkish Republic.

We invite all the political parties, all the NGO's, all our people to
accept and sign this policy of Iraq for Turkey and to unite and
struggle on the basis of the realization of this program.


The first signatures (in alphabetic order):

Prof. Dr. Ümit Akkoyunlu, Chairman of the Turkoman Consultory Assembly
and Member of the Executive Board of the Association of Turkoman
Intellectuals' Fraternity

Nefi Demirci, Chairman of the Human Rights Association in Türkmeneli

Hýdýr Hayara, Former member of the Executive Board of the Ankara
Branch of the Association for Culture and Solidarity of Iraqi Turks

Timur Ketene, Member of the Executive Board of the Association of
Iraqi Businessmen

Kasým Ömer, Vice-President of the Iraqi Democratic Turkoman Party

Doðu Perinçek, Chairman of the Workers' Party (Turkey)

Fuat Tilgin, Chairman of the Intellectuals' Association of Türkmeneli

Abbas Türkmen, Former President of the Ankara Branch of the
Association for Culture and Solidarity of Iraqi Turks.

Istiklal Caddesi Deva Cikmazi No:7/2 80050 Galatasaray / ISTANBUL
Tel: 90 212
2519910 Fax: 90 212 2934807 http://www.ip.org.tr e-mail:
int@ip.org.tr

Saturday, May 14, 2005

MOSSAD KARADENIZ'DE, Huseyin Mumtaz

Havada bulut yok ama duman var.

Ýs var, sis var.

Havada pis bir koku var.

Açýk güneþli günlerde baþýnýzý gökyüzüne çevirdiðinizde
yükseklerden geçen büyük gümüþ kuþlar görürsünüz.

Peþlerinden ince iki iz býrakýrlar.

Karadeniz Irak harekâtý baþladýðýndan bu yana gece gündüz
böyle kuþlara, böyle izlere, gece derinlerden duyulan jet
motoru homurtularýna alýþýk.

Ama rahatsýz.

Tezkere reddedildiði, Trabzon havaalaný "müttefik"
uçaklarýnýn kullanýmýna "güya" verilmediði halde bir süre
önce kocaman kara kara yahut gri ve kimliksiz, iþaretsiz
uçaklar inip kalkmaya baþlamýþtý Trabzon'a bir süre önce.

Havaalanýndan sorumlu mülkî âmir, yâni ilin koskoca Vali
Yardýmcýsý soru üzerine ne taþýyorlar bilmiyoruz. Bize
ikmal yaptýklarýný söylüyorlar. Yanlarýna kimseyi
yaklaþtýrmýyorlar demiþti de kýyamet kopmuþtu.

Türkiye'de kim nasýl sokmuyordu uçaðýn yanýna Türkleri?

Bir süre sonra ortada fol yok yumurta yokken Recep Tayyip
"Ermenistan'a hava sahasýný açtýk. Þartlar uygun olursa
kara sýnýrýný da görüþebiliriz" gibi bir þeyler söylemiþti.

Duyduk ki Ermenistan Hava Yollarý ile Fly Air adlý bir "özel"
þirket Erivan-Ýstanbul arasýnda karþýlýklý tarifeli seferlere
baþlamýþ.

Derken üç gün önce ayný anda iki haber birden düþtü monitörlere.

1) "(NTV. 11.5.05) - Hellas Jet havayollarýnýn Larnaka ile
Ýstanbul arasýnda 20 seferlik bir anlaþma imzaladýðý ve ilk
seferlerinden birini 2 Mayýs'ta, ikincisini ise bu hafta içinde
gerçekleþtirdiði belirtildi.. Hellas Jet havayolunun Kýbrýs Rum
halkýndan gelen aþýrý talepler nedeniyle Ýstanbul'a seferler
koyduðu açýklandý. Türkiye, Kýbrýs Rum Kesimi'ni tanýmadýðý için
Larnaka'dan havalanan Rum uçaklarýna ya da yabancý þirketlerin
uçaklarýna Türk hava sahasý açýlmýyor. Bu nedenle Hellas Jet
uçaklarý Larnaka'dan havalandýktan sonra Yunanistan'ýn Rodos
adasý üzerinde kod deðiþtirerek Türk hava sahasýna giriyor.
Türkiye, bu uçaklarýn güney Kýbrýs'tan deðil de; Yunanistan'dan
geldiðini varsayarak Ýstanbul'a iniþlerine izin veriyor."

Ýyi de hani ek protokolu imzalamak Kýbrýs Rumlarýný tanýmak
anlamýna gelmeyecekti ve böyle olsa bile deniz ve hava limanlarýný
Rum gemi ve uçaklarýna açmayacaktýk?

Eðer böyle bir yolu varsa KTHY neden hâlâ Ýngiltere'ye uçarken
ille Ýzmir veya Ýstanbul'a inip-kalkmak zorunda?

"Ýzolasyon" dediðiniz þey tersten mi kaldýrýlýyor?

2) "(Milliyet.12.5.05) Türk Hava Yollarý (THY), Ýsrail'den
Doðu Karadeniz Bölgesi'ne artan yolcu talebi nedeniyle Tel
Aviv-Trabzon arasýnda, turizm amaçlý doðrudan charter
seferleri düzenleme kararý aldý. THY'nin, 9 Haziran'da
baþlatacaðý ve 27 Ekim'e kadar sürecek sezonluk charter
seferleri, Trabzon'a, yurtdýþýndan turizm amaçlý düzenlenen ilk
doðrudan uçuþlar olacak. THY Ýsrail Müdürü Atagün Kutluyüksel,
THY'nin Avrupa'dan Trabzon'a doðrudan seferleri olduðunu,
ancak bu seferlerde yurtdýþýndaki iþçilerin taþýndýðýný, ama
bunun turizm amaçlý ilk uçuþ olacaðýný söyledi. Ýsrail'den
Doðu Karadeniz'e giden turistlerin sayýsýnýn giderek artmasý
ve son yýllarda bu sayýnýn 5 bin civarýna ulaþmasýnýn, THY'yi
harekete geçirdiðini belirten Kutluyüksel, doðrudan seferlerin
bu rakamý da yükselteceðine inandýðýný söyledi. "Ýsrailliler
Doðu Karadeniz'i de çok beðeniyor ve seviyor" diye konuþan
Kutluyüksel, Ýsrailli turistlerin bölgede özellikle Çoruh
Nehri'nde rafting, Ayder Yaylasý'nda cip-safari ve trekinge
ilgi duyduklarýný da kaydetti. Kutluyüksel, bölgenin Ýsrailli
turistlerin yeni çekim merkezi olmasýnýn nedeninin, doðal
güzellikler ve turizm potansiyelinin yaný sýra halkýn
konukseverliði olduðunu belirtti. THY Ýsrail Müdürü,
seferlerin bölge ekonomisine katkýsýnýn da önemli olacaðýna
inandýðýný ifade etti."

Karadeniz'e Ermeni ve Yunanlýlarýn Rum-Pontus ilgisini
biliyorduk; hâttâ bir süre önce Amerikalý Yahudilerin
Sürmene'deki "Uzaylý Mehveþ Nine" yuturmacalarýna þahit
olmuþtuk ama doðrusu Ýsrail'den bu kadar ilgi
beklemiyorduk.

Bayram deðil, seyran deðil.. Yahudilerin bu Karadeniz'de
"turizm" aþký nereden çýktý?
Kimse bana Akdeniz'de sahili olan; senenin 9-10 ayý denize
girilebilen bir coðrafyaya sahip Yahudilerin "alternatif"
turizm için Karadeniz yaylalarýna neden raðbet gösterdiðinin
mantýkî bir açýklamasýný yapamaz.

Daha yakýndaki Antalya'nýn daðlarýna neden gitmezler
"trekking" için?

Ortada gerçekten bir alternatiflik var ama acaba neyin
alternatifi?

11 Eylül'den sonra biliyorsun kýymetli okuyucu yeni bir
düzen kuruldu.

Tek kutuplu dünya düzeni.

Tek kutup, bu düzenin tek efendisi Amerika.

Ortaya hemen GOP diye bir proje atýldý.

Kuzey Afrika'dan Moðolistan'a kadar uzanan kocaman bir
bölge.. Soros'un "Açýk Toplum Örgütleri"nin aktif olduðu,
bolca "Amerikan tipi demokrasi" ihraç edilen bir bölge.

Yerine göre de "Amerikan tipi -ýlýmlý Ýslâm-"

Hangisi uyarsa..

Aslýnda Türk coðrafyasý.

Bu projede Amerika'nýn bir takým Truva atý olan maþalara
ve bolca figüranlara ihtiyacý var.

Ýsrail Ortadoðu'daki;

Ermenistan Kafkaslar'daki;

Ve yeni yeni Makedonya da Balkanlar'daki Truva atlarý.

Bulgaristan ve Romanya Amerika'ya üs vermeye çok hevesli.

Amerika Gürcistan'da.

Amerika Bulgaristan ve Romanya'daki yeni üslerine
kolayca ulaþabilmek için Montrö anlaþmasýný sorguluyor,
deðiþtirmeye hazýrlanýyor.

Amerika güya Bakü-Ceyhan petrol boru hattýný korumak
için "Caspian Force" adlý bir güç kurma ayaðý ile Hazar'a
el atmaya hazýrlanýyor.

Ve iþte böyle bir ortamda Amerika'nýn Ortadoðu'daki has
adamý Ýsrail'in "turistler"i Trabzon'a âni ve aþýrý bir
merak beslemeye baþlýyorlar.

Karadeniz'in engin turizm olanaklarýný keþfediyorlar.

Daha önce de Yunanlýlar ve Rum Patrik "Çevre" diye gelmiþti.

"Din" diye gelmiþlerdi.

Þimdi Yahudiler "turist" kýlýðýnda geliyorlar.

Ýsrail'in Karadeniz'e çýkmasý, Ermenistan'la "sýcak temasýn
kurulmasý" demektir.

Amerika-Ýsrail ve Ermenistan Karadeniz'de saflarý sýklaþtýrýyorlar.

Yazýnýn baþlýðý size abartýlý gelmesin.

Dünyanýn her yerinden Ýsrail'e uçuþ yapan uçaklar, kalkýþ
alanlarýnda bizzat Ýsrail'li ajanlar tarafýndan kontrol edilir.

Bu ajanlar "silah" ta taþýrlar.

Alanda veya uçaðýn içinde..

Hangisi "uyarsa".

Böyle bir durumda; Trabzon'un bir süre önce "Ýnen
yabancý uçaklarýn yanýna yaklaþtýrmýyorlar" diyen
Vali yardýmcýsý nasýl bir tavýr takýnacak merak
ediyorum.

Karadeniz 1990'larda Sovyetler Birliði'nin yýkýlmasý ile
akýn eden "Ruslar" yüzünden "Rus pazarlarý"nda bir
kültür þoku yaþamýþtý.

Þimdi bu turizm maskeli Yahudi þokunu nasýl kaldýracak dersiniz?

Sonuçta birileri bizi fena halde kandýrýyor galiba..

Havada bulut yok ama.

Havada hülle var. Takiyye var.

Mut'a nikâhý var kýymetli okuyucu..

Ve nedense þu sýralar bütün yollar Karadeniz'e çýkýyor. 14 Mayýs 2005

"57'iNCÝ ALAY ÇANAKKALE'DE, TRABLUSGARP'TA, FÝLÝSTÝN'DE, SAKARYA'DA

57'ÝNCÝ ALAY HERYERDE / HEPÝMÝZ 57'ÝNCÝ ALAYIN NEFERÝYÝZ"

Uzbekistan'daki Gelismeler Uzerine Mustafa Yildirim'in Yazisi

Proja Demokratika Asia

Mustafa Yıldırım

1991 yılında ABD hazinesinin parasıyla Bodrum Yalıkavak'ta Aydın Yalçın önderliğinde toplanan eski CIA'cılar, liberaller, Hür Avrupa Radyosunun Türk elemanları işlerini tam gördüler doğrusu... Turan hayallerinden ABD kucağına ancak böyle düşülürdü...

"1991 toplantısının ardından ABD ve İngiltere Kafkasya’ya egemen olma yolunda hızla ilerlediler ve Karadeniz kıyılarından Ermenistan’a uzanan topraklarda egemenliklerini pekiştirdiler. Bu arada İngiliz Wesminster ile NED’e bağlı örgütler, Soros’un parayla desteklediği Açık Toplum elemanları, Gürcistan’ı ele geçirmeyi başardılar.Darbe günü parlamentoyu basan deri ceketli Açık Toplum elemanlarından birisi daha sonra TV’lerde Yugoslavya’nın dağıtılmasında önemli payı bulunan ve hem Ned, hem de Soros vakfından destek görmüş olan OTPOR gençlik örgütünün daha sonra Ukrayna’yı örgütlediğini ve en sonunda da Gürcistan’da gençlik örgütleme yöntemlerinde yardımcı olduğunu açıkladı."

Kırgızistan, Özbekistan, Türkmenistan ve Kazakistan arasındaki dayanışma, ortak askeri tatbikatlara uzanan birliktelik demokrasi(!) operatörlerince dağıtıldı.

Kırgızistan yönetimi aymazdı... Bişkek'te Freedom House (CIA propaganda aygıtı)'un merkez kurmasını demokrasi sandılar. Kadınlar, gençler, öğretmenler NED ve bağlantılarınca örgütlendi. NED'den Nadia Diuk sendikacılarla son bir toplantı yaptı ve olaylar başladı.

Ve sonuç biliniyor!

T.C yönetimi bile Kırgızistan'ın Batılı vurguncuların avucuna düşmesini "devrim" olarak selamladı! Kırgızistan'da Asya için en önemli kaynak olan su vardı... Kırgızistan, Orta Asya'daki her bir ülke gibi, askeri anlamda önemlidir, ama bir başka kaynak var ki, USA ve Batı Avrupa'nın iştahını kabartıyor: Uranyum!

Ne yazık ki, Türkiye, hem de uzun yıllar kendilerini milliyetçi(!) ilan edenlerin çabalarıyla, Asya'nın ele geçirilişinde bir köprü oldu ve bir yoldaşlık görevini üstlendi.

"1980’li yıllarda Eurasia Foundation (USA/Avrasya Vakfı) ile beslenen operasyonlar, Bodrum’da pişirilen ilişkiler öylesine hızlı gelişti ki, hakkında “Din Hürriyeti” raporları hazırlanan ve iç muhalefeti açıktan desteklenen Özbekistan’da bile, CIA’nın propaganda aygıtı olarak bilinen Freedom House, işlerini Taşkent’te bağımsız, büyük bir binadan yönetmeye başladı. Türkiye’den bazı “cemaatler” in açtığı okullarla bu işlerin arasında ne tür bir koşutluk olduğu ise ayrı bir araştırmanın konusu olmalıdır.

Georges Soros’un örgütü OSI öteki Asya ülkelerinde olduğu gibi kadın ve gençlik örgütleri kurdu, muhalif yayınları destekledi. OSI devlet aygıtıyla ilişkileri sıkı tutmak ve geleceği güvence altına almak amacıyla eğitim alanına daldı, öğretmen ve öğrencilerle parasal bağlar oluşturdu. Adalet Bakanlığı’nın reform çalışmalarına 123.000 dolar bağaşlayan Soros’un Özbekistan’ın açık bir toplum olması için yaptığı katkı 2003 yılı sonunda 22 milyon dolara ulaştı.Özbek Devleti Mart 2004’te Soros’un OSI örgütünün çalışma iznini kaldırdı. Bunun üzerine Soros Özbek yönetimini demokrasi düşmanı olarak ilan etti.

Bu arada Özbekistan’da bir yandan İslamcı örgütlerin yarattığı bombalı kargaşa sürmekte, öte yandan NED tarafından ve ABD örgütlerince desteklenen muhalefet partileri ABD’de toplantılar düzenlemektedir. Muhalefetin en sertlik yanlısı Washington'da eski ustalarla içli dışlıdır, bir öteki Radio Free Europe'tan ayrılmıyor ve NED parasından bir parça da olsa sebeplenmiş durumda.

Aynı zamanda ABD örgütleri “Büyük Ortadoğu ve Asya Projesi” adı verilen yayılma ve açık-gizli işgal planlarını kabul ettirebilmek için işbirlikçileriyle birlikte yoğun bir çalışmaya girişmişlerdir. Sivil örümcek ağında yer alan işbirlikçi örgütler hem yurtta, hem de Washington’da konferanslar düzenlemekten geri kalmamaktadırlar. (Sivil Örümceğin Ağında, 5. Basım, s.95-96)"

S.S.C.B'nin dağıtılmasının ardından, çok partili bir düzen oluşturma, demokratik kitle örgütleri kurma ve örgütleme deneyimine sahip olmayan ülkeler Batı'dan gelen eğitmenlerin eline düştü. Batının ve onların yardakçısı ikinci ülkeler medyasının gerçekleri gizliyor, öteki ülke insanlarını da eyleme çağırıyor!

Demokrasi ve özgürlük sarhoşluğu bir tür anarşiye dönüştü...

Bu dönüşümü parayla, elemanla destekleyenler şimdi avuçlarını ovuşturuyorlar.

Uluslar sarhoşlukla bağrınırken, onlar doğal kaynaklara sahip olmanın ve kıtaları kolonileştirmenin keyfini sürüyorlar.

Eşkıyanın yardakçılarıysa kendilerine düşecek kırıntıların hesabındalar...

Wednesday, May 11, 2005

Genel Kurmay Baskanligi Uluslararasi Sempozyumu

ULUSLARARASI SEMPOZYUM

12 - 13 MAYIS 2005

BİLGİ ÇAĞI VE TEKNOLOJİK GELİŞMELER IŞIĞINDA
TOPLUM, YÖNETİM VE LİDER YAKLAŞIMLARI

Genelkurmay Başkanlığı tarafından her yıl düzenli olarak gerçekleştirilen geniş katılımlı uluslararası sempozyumlardan üçüncüsü, 12-13 Mayıs 2005 tarihlerinde Harp Akademileri Komutanlığı Atatürk Harp Oyunu ve Kültür Merkezi'nde icra edilecektir.

Sempozyumun konusu, içinde yaşadığımız sürecin önemli bir olgusu olan "Bilgi Çağı ve Teknolojik Gelişmeler Işığında Toplum, Yönetim Ve Lider Yaklaşımları" olarak belirlenmiştir.

Bu sempozyumda amaç; ülkemizi ve uluslararası toplumu yakından ilgilendiren bir konuyu yerli ve yabancı uzmanların katılımıyla, uluslararası bilimsel bir ortamda hem farklı anlayışlar ve kültürler arası yaklaşımlarla hem de teori ve uygulama ilişkileri çerçevesinde incelemek ve sonuçlarını kamuoyu ile paylaşmaktır.

Sempozyum, Genelkurmay II nci Başkanı Orgeneral Sayın İlker BAŞBUĞ'un " Bilgi Çağı, Bilgi Toplumu, Lider ve Yönetici, Bilgi Çağında Atatürkçü Düşünce Sisteminin Açılımları" konulu açış konuşmasıyla başlayacaktır.

İki gün sürecek sempozyumun programı aşağıda sunulmuştur.


SEMPOZYUM PROGRAMI

Program Icin Aasagidaki Linkelere Tiklayiniz:


12 Mayıs 2005, Perşembe

Birinci Oturum: Bilgi Çağı ve Teknolojik Gelişmeler Işığında Toplum

İkinci Oturum : Bilgi Çağı ve Teknolojik Gelişmeler Işığında Yönetim



13 Mayıs 2005, Cuma

Üçüncü Oturum : Bilgi Çağı ve Teknolojik Gelişmeler Işığında
Yönetici ve Lider Yaklaşımları


Dördüncü Oturum : İlk Üç Oturumun Eş Başkanlarının Değerlendirmeleri, “Bilgi Çağı ve Teknolojik Gelişmelerin Dünya Barışına Etkisi, Yönetici ve Liderlerin Rolü” Konulu Açık Tartışma ve Raportörlerin Sempozyum Sonuçlarını Takdim Etmeleri

Koordinasyon Bilgileri

Tuesday, May 10, 2005

KARADENIZ CIRPINIYOR, HUSEYIN MUMTAZ

KARADENÝZ ÇIRPINIYOR -2

3 Mayýs 2005.. Hava yavaþ yavaþ kararýyor.. Saat 18. Bakû'deyiz.

Güzel, kalabalýk bir ana cadde.. Ýnce iþlemeli, oymalý bir ön
cepheye sahip minyatür bir bina.."Raþit Behbudov adýna Devlet Mahný Teatrý"

Ýçeri giriyoruz, giremiyoruz..

Týklým týklým..

Nihayet, "Türkiye'den gelen konaklar" olarak kalabalýðý yarma
imkâný bulabiliyoruz. Cývýl cývýl bir renk cümbüþü.. Nefes alan,
konuþan, yaþayan bir topluluk.

Salon üç kat balkon. Eski, zevkli koltuklar, rafine bir sahne
düzeni.

Bir salon dolusu, her yaþtan bu kadar çok "sanatkâr"ý bir arada daha
önce hiç görmemiþtim.

Duygularýmý kontrol etmeye, bastýrmaya çalýþýyorum. "Türkçüler Günü"
dolayýsý ile bir konuþma yapacaðým birazdan.

Yapamayacaðýmdan korkuyorum.

Yerimize oturuyoruz, program tam saatinde baþlýyor.

Hem ne baþlama..

Türk Dünyasý Tarih vakfý'nýn Bakü Atatürk Lisesi öðrencileri önce
Azerbaycan Milli Marþý'ný söylüyorlar.

Arkadan "Ýstiklâl Marþý"ný.

Bu yaþa geldim, askerim, çok deðiþik ortamlar ve coðrafyalarda
Ýstiklâl Marþý söyledim, dinledim.

Ama bu yaþa kadar zaten bir keresinde bile gözlerim yaþarmadan
dinleyememiþim..

Bakü'de o geceki o Ýstiklâl Marþý daha program baþlamadan bitirdi
beni.

Ve fark ettim ki Azerbaycan Milli marþý'ný da neredeyse ayni
duygularla dinlemiþim.

Türkiye'den üç kiþiyiz..

Türk Ortodoks Patrikhanesi Basýn Sözcüsü Sayýn Sevgi Erenerol.

Ýstanbul Milletvekili Sayýn Emin Þirin

Ve ben..

Ev sahibemiz, Azeri-Türk Kadýnlar Birliði "Sedr"i Tenzile "Haným"
Rüstemhanlý.

Kendisi ve kýymetli eþi Milletvekili ve Vatandaþ Dayanýþmasý Partisi
Genel Baþkaný Sabir "Bey" Rüstemhanlý ile de "kadim" dostuz.

Sýram geldiðinde kürsüye çýkýyorum.

Konu güya; "Yeni Dünya Düzeninde Türk Varlýðý"..

Konuþmak, konuþabilmek ne mümkün.

Hiç son derece sakin görünmeye dikkat ettiðiniz halde elinizde
olmadan sesinizin titremesine engel olamadýðýnýz oldu mu?

Ben aðladým, salon aðladý..

Konuþmam nasýl bitti, yerime nasýl geçtim hiç hatýrlamýyorum.

Sonrasýnda yine öðrencilerin hazýrlayýp ince bir zevkle sunduðu
halkoyunu ve þiir þöleni..

Bir kýz öðrenci'nin çok güzel okuduðu Arif Nihat Asya'nýn "Bayrak"
þiiri ise heyecaný son haddine çýkarýyor.

Mersin'de yakýlýrken Bakü'de "nereye istersen oraya dikeceðim"
deniyor Türk bayraðýna.

Sakin olmak, duygularý kontrol edebilmek artýk ne mümkün!!

Program biterken Azerbaycan'ýn en kýymetli sanatkârlarý sahne alarak
ikiþer þarký söylüyorlar, aðýr hava bir parça olsun daðýlýyor.

Ama program "bitmiyor"..

Þimdi bu noktada, o gece orada olanlar hakkýnda yeni bir sayfa açýp, yeni bir
baþlangýç yapmak lâzým..

Bu satýrlarýn yazarý için; Türkeþ'in vefatýnýn hemen üç gün sonrasýnda Ýstanbul
Polat Otel'de yapýlan Türk Dünyasý Kurultayý'nýn son gecesinde balo salonunda
dinlediði ve hep birlikte gözyaþlarý arasýnda söylenilen "Çýrpýnýrdý Karadeniz"
türküsünün ayrý bir anlamý vardýr.

Ama yine bu satýrlarýn yazarý ömür kitabýnýn geriye kalan daha henüz
yazýlmamýþ ve yazýlmadýðý için de okunmamýþ sayfalarýnda, 3 Mayýs 2005 gecesi
Bakü'de dinlediði "Çýrpýnýrdýn Karadeniz"i ayrý bir yere oturtacaktýr.

Bir deniz böyle mi dalgalanýr?

Bir deniz dalga dalga yedi-sekizyüz kilometre ötedeki Bakü'deki
salonda, bir salon dolusu gönlü böyle mi döver?

Bir salon dolusu yürek böyle mi deniz olur?

Dað olur, dalga olur, ova olur, bulut olur?

Fýrtýna olur, yumruk olur?

Sahneye son olarak esmer, kýsa saçlý, uzun boylu bir Türk kýzý
çýktý; "Azerin"..

Attýðý ilk adýmlarla beraber de salonu muhteþem bir orkestrasyonun
gümbür gümbür müziði kapladý.

Sonra baþýný geriye attý, maðrur bir eda ile; hiç gerdan kýrýp bel
bükmeden, göz süzmeden þarkýsýný söyledi.

Yüreði ile söyledi.

"Yol ver Türk'ün bayraðýna" dedi.

Erbil'de hançerlenen, Lefkoþa'da yok sayýlan, Mersin'de yakýlan,
Atina'da üzerine sövgüler yazýlan Türk bayraðýna Bakü'de "yol" isteniyordu.

"Sýrmalar sarsam koluna, inciler dizsem yoluna

Fýrtýnalar dursun yana" dedi.

Sonra;

"Kafkaslardan aþacaðýz/,

Türklüðe þan katacaðýz/

Azerbaycan bayraðýný/

Karabað'da asacaðýz" dedi.

Ve baþý dik, geldiði gibi yine bir Türk kýzý olarak salondan
ayrýldý.

Salon, Bakü, bütün Azerbaycan, bütün Türkiye, bütün Turan.

Kendisini ayakta uðurladý.

Ýnanýn o 3 Mayýs gecesi Türkçüler günü hiçbir yerde böyle
kutlanmamýþtýr.

Aksini iddia eden olursa gecenin cd'sini göndermeye hazýrým.

Siz siz olun Azerin'in ismini bir kenara yazýn.

Ertesi gün Mehmed Emin Resulzâde kûçesindeki bir dükkândan kasetini
aldým.

Arkasýnda; bizdeki ermenofillerin olanca yalakalýðýna inat þarkýnýn
güftesinin Ahmet Cevad'a, bestesinin ise Üzeyir Hacýbeyli'ye ait olduðu yazýlý
idi.

Ahmet Cevad 1937'de kurþuna dizilmiþtir. Hacýbeyli ise ilk Türk
operasýnýn bestecisidir.

"Çýrpýnýrdýn Karadeniz"; 15 Eylül 1918'de Bakü'ye giren Þark-Ýslâm
Ordularý Grubu Komutaný Halil, Nuri ve Mürsel paþalar komutasýndaki Türk
kuvvetlerinin yolu gözlenirken yazýlmýþtýr.

Ki o ayrý bir destan olup sonraki yazýlarda anlatýlacaktýr.

Ama önce Azerin'in son sözlerine takýldým ben..

"Azerbaycan bayraðýný

Karabað'da asacaðýz"..

Hadi..

Ne duruyorsunuz?

Ne duruyoruz? 10 Mayýs 2005

************************************************

KARADENÝZ ÇIRPINIYOR -1

Hüseyin MÜMTAZ


AB üyeliði yolunda "her þeyi" göze alan Türkiye'nin; "her þeyi" göze
aldýðý batýlýlar tarafýndan keþfedildikçe önümüze konulan faturalarýn sayýsý ve
içeriði de artýyor.

Avrupa Ýnsan Haklarý Mahkemesi'nin (AÝHM), 12 Mayýs'ta açýklayacaðý
ve Abdullah Öcalan'a 'yeniden yargýlama' yolunu açabilecek son kararýný bekleyen
Dýþiþleri, Strasbourg kaynaklarýndan, mahkemenin temyiz organý olarak görev
yapan 17 yargýçlý Büyük Daire tarafýndan açýklanacak kararýn, 2003 tarihli ilk
karar gibi olacaðý ve Türkiye'den 'adil yargýlama hakký' ilkesine uyumun
isteneceði bilgisine ulaþmýþ. Bunun üzerine de, Türkiye ve Avrupa'da yaþanacak
geliþmeler de dikkate alýnarak hükümete, 'Yeniden yargýlama konusunda kanun
deðiþikliði þart' telkininde bulunulmuþ..

Dýþiþlerinin bilgi notuna göre Öcalan'a 100.000 avro tazminat
ödenecek ve Öcalan'la birlikte yeniden yargýlanma baþvurusunda bulunmasý
sýnýrlanan 90 kiþinin yeniden yargýlanmasý için gerekli kanun deðiþiklikleri
yapýlana kadar "baský sürecek" ve 3 Ekim görüþmeleri baþlamayabilecekmiþ.

Avrupa Birliði Komisyonu Ankara Temsilcisi Hans Jörg Kretschmer de
"eþ zamanlý olarak" müzakerelere baþlama kararýna raðmen, Türkiye'nin AB
üyeliðini saðlayacak gerekli reformlardan çok uzak olduðunu söylemiþ.

Türkiye'nin Kýbrýs cumhuriyetini tanýmamasý durumunda, Kýbrýslý Rumlarýn da
Kuzey Kýbrýs'la yapýlacak doðrudan ticareti veto etmekte serbest olduðunu
savunan Kretschmer, Ermeni meselesinin AB'ye üyelikte bir kriter olmasa bile
dolaylý olarak etkili olduðunu söylemiþ.

Avrupa ile müþterek bir sýnýrý bile bulunmayan Ermenistan meselesinin,
Türkiye'nin AB üyeliði ile ne gibi bir ilgisi olduðu okuyucuyu
meraklandýracaktýr.

Öne sürülecek argüman, "Üye adayý ülkelerin, komþularý ile sýnýr problemlerini
çözüp de gelmeleri gerektiði" olacaktýr.

Hiç uðraþamayýn. Bunu emsal göstererek "Peki Kýbrýs Rum kesimini
komþusu olan KKTC ile sýnýr problemini çözmeden neden aldýnýz?" sorunuz havada
kalacaktýr.

"AB normlarý" denilen terazi Türkiye'yi baþka, "Hýristiyan
batýlýlarý" baþka tartar.

Þaþkýn bakkal misali.

2-5 Mayýs 2005 tarihleri arasýndaki Bakü gezimiz daha Türkiye'den
ayrýlmadan Ermenistan'la baþladý, Türkiye'ye dönüþte de yine Ermenistan'la
bitti.

1 Mayýs sabahý havalanýna giderken taksiyle Trabzon Devlet
Tiyatrosu'nun önünden geçtim.

Kocaman afiþler.. "6'ýncý Uluslar arasý Karadeniz'e Kýyýsý Olan
Ülkeler Tiyatro Festivali".

Katýlanlar; Beyaz Rusya, Bulgaristan, Rusya, Romanya, Sýrbistan,
Gürcistan, Moldova.

Ne güzel.

Ve "Ermenistan"..

Ermenistan'ýn; baðýmsýzlýðýný elde ettiði 1991'den beri Trabzon'u
dünyaya açýlan limaný olarak kullanmak isteyen Ermenistan'ýn Karadeniz'le ne
ilgisi vardýr?

Kim çizmiþtir bu haritayý? Kim Ermenistan'ý Kafkaslarýn ortasýndan
alýp Karadeniz'e kýyýsý olan bir ülke haline getirmiþtir?

Kafa yapýsý; Türkiye'yi bir federasyon haline getirmek isteyen Özal
döneminin kafa yapýsýdýr.

O zaman da "Karadeniz Ekonomik Ýþbirliði"ne ayný þekilde Pontus
hayaliyle yatýp kalkan Yunanistan ortak edilmiþti.

Þimdi KEÝ'nin Bankasý Selanik'tedir.

Bana kim Selânik'in Karadeniz kýyýsýnda olduðunu söyleyebilir?

Her iki olayda da ileri sürülen düþünce "dost ve kardeþ Azerbaycan'ý
da tür bu toplantýlara bir þekilde dahil edebilmek için" Yunanistan ve
Ermenistan'a da teklif götürüldüðü þeklindedir.

Türkiye'nin; çeþitli ortamlarda Azerbaycan'la çok çeþitli iliþkiler
ve yakýn kurabilmek için Ermenistan ve Yunanistan'ýn vesayet ve velayetine
ihtiyacý olduðunu hiç zannetmiyorum.

Türkiye Azerbaycan'la kimseye hesap vermeden ekonomik, siyasi, ilmi,
kültürel ve askeri her türlü iliþkiyi kurabilmelidir.

Kurmalýdýr.

Bu açýdan bakýnca, adý geçen Tiyatro Festivaline Azerbaycan Bakü
Belediye Tiyatrosu'nun; Ermenistan'ý göstererek "Onun olduðu yerde ben yokum"
deme hakký bulunduðunu, böyle demesinin daha uygun olacaðýný ve belki de bu tür
çýkýþlarýn, Türkiye'nin yanlýþlarýný düzeltmesine vesile olacaðýný düþünüyorum.

Lâf Karadeniz'den açýlýnca kolay kolay kapanmýyor.

Yunanistan'da misafir olarak bulunan Harbiye'lilerin odasýna,
üzerine Ýngilizce küfürlerin yazýldýðý bir Türk bayraðýnýn býrakýldýðý olayýnýn
ayyuka çýktýðý günlerde Trabzon Anadolu Lisesi'nin "hatýrlý konuklarý" vardý.

Efendim; Selanik'in "Karamaria" yâni, "Siyah Meryem" semtinin Lisesi
Bakanlýk ve Konsolosluða baþvurarak Trabzon Kanuni Anadolu Lisesi ile "kardeþ
okul" olmak istemiþ.

Bu masum istek Milli Eðitim bakanlýðý tarafýndan da kabul edilince
Karamaria Lisesi'nin öðretmen ve öðrencileri atlayýp Trabzon'a gitmiþler.
(Trabzon Ekspres. 20 Nisan 2005)

Kanuni Anadolu Lisesi öðrencileri ile kýsa sürede kaynaþarak
"beraberce" sirtaki oynamýþ, horon tepmiþler.

Konuk ekibin Okul Müdürdü Samarran Athanasius sebebi ziyaretlerini
þöyle açýklamýþ.

"Kanuni Anadolu Lisesi'ni tercih ettik. Çünkü bu okul 1923 yýlýna
kadar karamaria Lisesi olarak eðitim veriyordu. Adý daha sonra deðiþti.
Atalarýmýz burada eðitim gördü. Biz de atalarýmýzýn mezun olup eðitim gördüðü bu
okulu hem ziyaret edip hem de ikili iliþkilerimizi geliþtirmeyi düþünüyoruz.
Burada çok sýcak karþýlandýk. Tekrar geleceðiz."

"Konuk" Müdür, öðretmen ve öðrenciler bahçede folklor gösterileri
yaptýktan sonra evsahipleri tarafýndan organize edilen çay partisine de
katýlmýþlar.

Gazete haberi "sýcak iliþkilerin" sergilendiði 6 renkli fotoðrafla
süslenmiþ.

Haberler, Kanuni Anadolu Lisesi öðretmen ve öðrencilerini, "Þimdi
kim Yunanistan'a gidecek heyette yer alacak" þeklinde tatlý bir heyecanýn
sardýðýný gösteriyor.

Trabzon'da haberler bitmiyor..

1-7 Aðustos'da da Maçka'da "Sümela Festivali" düzenlenmiþ.

Ne tesadüf. Aðustos'un baþý tam da her sene yabancý papazlarýn akýn
ettiði "Kutsal Sümela Yortusu"na denk gelmektedir kýymetli okuyucu..

Trabzon bütün bunlar olurken bir taraftan da bir "kara mizah"
þaheseri gibi "kanuni Haftasý"ný kutluyordu.

90'lý yýllarda Kanuni'nin Trabzon'da doðduðunu bir Macaristan
seyahati sýrasýnda "keþfeden" zamanýn valisi (Þimdi Antalya'da keþiflerle
uðraþmaktadýr) "Tez Kanuni'nin doðduðu ev buluna" fermaný yazar.

Harýl harýl ev aranýrken kimsenin aklýna babasý Þehzade Selim'in
evde oturmuþ olamayacaðý, bir saray yavrusu aranmasý gerektiði gelmez.

Emir büyük yerdendir ya "ev" bulunur ve "kutlamalar" baþlar.

Yâni bir taraftan "Cihan Padiþahý Kanuni" Haftasý etkinlikleri kutlanýrken
Trabzon'da Ermeni Tiyatrosu, Karamaria Lisesi gösteri yapýyordu kýymetli okuyucu
ve Maçka'da da "Sümela Festivali" hazýrlýklarý tam gaz devam ediyordu.

Bitmedi..

Belediye, þehir içindeki 4. yüzyýlda (1349-1390) 3. Aleksios tarafýndan
yaptýrýlan ve 18. ve 19. yüzyýllarda ilaveler yapýlýp onarýlarak, 19. yüzyýlda
son þeklini alan "Kýzlar Manastýrý"ný da temizleyip düzenleyerek "hizmete"
sunuyordu.

Böylece turistler artýk Ayasofya "Kilisesi", Sümela Manastýrý ve Kostaki
Konaðý'ndan sonra þehirde bir de Kýzlar manastýrý'ný gezip görebileceklerdi.

Nisan ayýnýn sonunda MGK'nýn; yeni Milli Güvenlik Siyaset Belgesi
hazýrlýklarý için görüþ istediði kurumlardan olan Genelkurmay'ýn konu ile ilgili
þu notu hiç dikkate bile alýnmýyor muydu yoksa Genelkurmay iþ olsun diye mi o
satýrlarý yazmýþtý:

"Türkiye'nin toprak bütünlüðünü tehdit edecek þekilde 'Rum-Pontus'
propagandasýna engel olunmalý. "

Her ne hâl ise..

Rüya gibi geçen ve gelecek yazýlarda ayrýntýlý olarak anlatacaðým
Bakü seyahatinden döndükten sonra da gazetelerde þu haberi okudum: (Hürriyet 8
Mayýs 2005)

"Trabzon Devlet Tiyatrosu'nda Ermenilere karþý dostluk hakimdi. 6.
Uluslararasý Karadenize Kýyýsý olan Ülkeler Tiyatro Festivali çerçevesinde kente
gelen ekip, 'Psikoz 4.48' adlý oyunu sergiledi. Oyunun bitiþiyle birlikte salonu
dolduran izleyiciler, Ermeni sanatçýlarý ayakta alkýþladýlar. Ermeni sanatçýlar,
dakikalarca süren alkýþlar ve 'Bravo' haykýrýþlarý arasýnda izleyicileri
selamladý. Sanatçýlar, alkýþlar nedeniyle defalarca sahneye döndüler. Önceden
daðýtýlan Türkçe metin ve oyunun aksiyon aðýrlýklý olmasý Rusça oynanmasýna
raðmen anlaþýlmasýný kolaylaþtýrdý. Kuliste konuþtuðumuz Ermeni Yönetmen Suren
Shahverdyan, sanatýn, tiyatronun ne kadar büyük bir dostluk aracý olduðunu bir
kez daha gördüklerini vurguladý. 'Tiyatro bayraðýný Türkiye'de dalgalandýrmaktan
mutlu olduðunu' ve ülkesine döndüðünde de burada gördüðü dostluðu anlatacaðýný
dile getiren Shahverdyan, þöyle devam etti: 'Siyasetin, devletlerin
çözemediklerini, belki de biz sanatýn, tiyatronun diliyle çözebiliriz. Sanat da
bunun için en iyi araçtýr. Bizleri kurtaracak olan barýþ ve sevgidir. Benim
oyunumda da zaten karþýlýklý aþk, sevgi ve barýþ konusu iþleniyor. Devletler
arasýnda düþmanlýk, savaþ ve terörün bitmemesi halinde yaþanacaklarý dünya daha
fazla kaldýramaz. Ýþte böyle bir durumda kar yaðar. O nedenle de benim oyunumun
sonunda dünyaya 'kara' kar yaðdý."

Psikoz 4.48 adlý "Rusça" oyunu "anlayarak" ayakta dakikalarca
alkýþlayan "tiyatro severlerin" oyunun sonunda yaðan "kara kar"ýn ne olduðunu
anlayýp anlamadýklarýný þiddetle merak ediyorum.

Önce Yunanlarýn "Kara Maria"sý sonra Ermenilerin "Kara Kar"ý..

Ýnanýn bir hafta içindeki bu kadar "dýþkaynaklý" "karanlýk" benim
için bile çok fazla..

Karadeniz çýrpýnmasýn da ne yapsýn? 9 Mayýs 2005


"57'iNCÝ ALAY ÇANAKKALE'DE, TRABLUSGARP'TA, FÝLÝSTÝN'DE, SAKARYA'DA

57'ÝNCÝ ALAY HERYERDE

HEPÝMÝZ 57'ÝNCÝ ALAYIN NEFERÝYÝZ"

Monday, May 09, 2005

Iraq instability threatens Turkey By Scott Taylor

Friday 06 May 2005, 9:36 Makka Time, 6:36 GMT
Aljazeera News

Over the past few weeks, the media reports coming out of Iraq have focussed extensively on the insurgents' escalating attacks against US military and Iraqi police forces.

Overshadowed by the coverage of this series of suicide bomb attacks has been the dramatic and ominous development of unrest along the Iraq-Turkey border.

For the first time since US President George Bush launched his military intervention to topple Saddam Hussein in March 2003, the violent anarchy which ensued throughout Iraq is now spilling over into neighbouring countries.

On 20 April, following 10 days of sporadic combat, the Turkish government announced its defence forces had killed 33 Kurdish rebels after they had crossed the Iraqi border.

Although the military did not release its own casualty figures, Namik Tan, a Foreign Ministry spokesman, estimated that Turkish security forces "suffered between 15 and 17 fatalities in the clashes with the Kurds".

These losses are significant. However, Turkish intelligence estimates that since the beginning of April some 1500 Kurdish guerrillas have crossed into eastern Turkey via the mountain paths along the Iraq border.

These fighters belong to the hardline Kurdish separatist group known as the PKK (the Kurdish acronym for the Kurdistan Workers Party) which has been linked to terrorist activities.

In the early 1990s the PKK waged a long and bloody struggle to gain independence for the Kurdish majority living in eastern Turkey.

However, by the end of the decade, Turkish security forces had clearly gained the upper hand militarily, and political reforms were eroding popular support for the separatist movement.

With the 1999 arrest of their leader, Abdullah Ocalan, the PKK remnants fled into the Kurdish-controlled region of northern Iraq.

As part of an internationally brokered ceasefire, the PKK camps in Iraq were monitored by the United Nations. That supervision ended following the US-led intervention in Iraq and the UN's subsequent decision to withdraw all of its personnel until the coalition forces could establish a secure environment.

Despite repeated requests by the Turkish government, the US-led coalition forces did not attempt to secure or contain the PKK camps subsequent to the UN pullout.

"The Americans regarded the Kurdish-controlled northern Iraq provinces as stable, and therefore they have been content to let [the Iraqi Kurd leaders] Massoud Barzani and Jalal Talabani have a free rein," said professor Umit Ozdaq, director of the Ankara-based Centre for Eurasian Studies.

"Unfortunately, that decision has led to this current crisis."

There is no question that the two rival Iraqi Kurdish leaders enjoy a strong measure of American support and tolerance.

Despite their appointments to prominent positions within the new Iraqi government - Talabani as president and Barzani as director of the Kurdish provinces - the former warlords still maintain their own private peshmerga (militia) armies, and their own private Asaish (secret service) agencies.

More importantly, US authorities have allowed the Iraqi Kurds to steadily entrench their control over the oil-rich northern Iraq city of Kirkuk.

Should Kurdish claims to Kirkuk be formally recognised, the oil revenue would be sufficient to make an independent Kurdistan economically viable.

The Turkish government has always maintained that such a move would not only violate the rights of the (Turkish-speaking) Iraqi Turkmen population of Kirkuk, but that an independent Kurdistan might also re-ignite the separatist movement in eastern Turkey.

This latest incursion of PKK guerrillas into Turkey proves such fears of renewed violence are well founded. "At the moment, the PKK have been prevented from entering the major cities and towns," said Namik Tan.

"They are only operating from the mountains and caves."
In order to keep the Kurdish incursion in check, the Turks have deployed the 7th Army Corps along with air force units to augment the already considerable Jendarma (interior police) in the border region.

Although they publicly distance themselves from the PKK extremists, moderate Kurdish politicians are using the renewed guerrilla activity to press the Turkish government for additional concessions.

"What they are asking for is autonomy within a federation, but this would simply be the first step towards independence," said Professor Ozdaq. "From a Turkish perspective, that is unacceptable."

The Turkish government's goal is to quickly neutralise the PKK guerrilla threat before it can gain widespread popular support.

During nearly 10 years of fighting, the previous Kurdish insurrection in Turkey left some 30,000 people dead, and this already impoverished region was subjected to widespread destruction.

"The people of eastern Turkey are weary of war and the political reforms made towards improving Kurdish civil rights have eliminated many of the root causes of the separatists," said Namik Tan.

"Unfortunately, the situation in Iraq is allowing leaders such as Barzani to use the PKK to further destabilise the region."

Iraq-based US forces, already unable to contain the insurgency in the Sunni Triangle, are stretched too thin at the moment to even contemplate a clampdown on the Kurdish leaders.

However, as the incursion of the PKK into Turkey illustrates, the magnitude of the US failure to seize control of the northern Iraq border and to demobilise the peshmerga has yet to be fully recognised.

Former Canadian soldier Scott Taylor is the editor of Esprit de Corps military magazine and a veteran war correspondent. He has visited Iraq 20 times since August 2000 and is the author of Spinning on the Axis of Evil: America's War against Iraq and Among the Others: Encounters with the Forgotten Turkmen of Iraq. Last September he was held hostage for five days in northern Iraq by Ansar al-Islam Mujahadin.

The opinions expressed here are the author's and do not necessarily reflect the editorial position or have the endorsement of Aljazeera.

Sunday, May 08, 2005

Larry Franklin and the Axis of Espionage

The arrest of a Pentagon analyst who spied for Israel is just the beginning
by Justin Raimondo

http://www.antiwar.com

May 6, 2005

It was June 26, 2003, and three friends – Naor Gilon, chief of political affairs at the Israeli embassy in Washington; Steve Rosen, longtime policy director and key operative of the American Israel Political Affairs Committee (AIPAC); and Keith Weissman, AIPAC's senior Iran specialist – were meeting for lunch at the Tivoli restaurant in Arlington, Va., right outside Washington, D.C. The Washington Post describes the Tivoli as a place "where you can talk without clashing with your neighbor's conversation." Privacy and moderate prices are the main attractions on a menu that is "Italian – but not insistently so," as the Post puts it. "The pasta may be a little limp, the sauces may taste oversalted, and the desserts may look like assembly-line products, but it doesn't seem to matter much. The cooking is far from the main attraction at Tivoli."

Espionage isn't on the menu. Then again, it wouldn't be, would it? It wasn't the limp pasta, however, that brought Larry Franklin, a Pentagon analyst working the Iran desk in Douglas Feith's policy shop, to the Tivoli that day. As Michael Isikoff and Mark Hosenball reported in Newsweek: "Suddenly, and quite unexpectedly, in the description of one intelligence official," Franklin "'walked in' to the lunch out of the blue." He had sensitive information about the possibility of pro-Iranian groups in Iraq, such as the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI) and the Dawa Party, launching attacks on American occupation forces. Franklin, known as a committed ideologue of the neoconservative persuasion, and passionately committed to Israel, divulged [.pdf] the contents of a document marked "top secret" and dated June 25.

The FBI agents who were listening in were shocked: they had the Tivoli bugged that day as part of a larger and long-standing investigation into Israeli covert operations in the U.S. When Franklin barged in unexpectedly on the assembled cabal, he stumbled into a web of espionage in which he was soon ensnared. The FBI put him under surveillance, and, according to Isikoff and Hosenball,

"At one point watched him allegedly attempt to pass a classified U.S. policy document on Iran to one of the surveillance targets, according to a U.S. intelligence official. But his alleged confederate was 'too smart,' the official said, and refused to take it. Instead, he asked Franklin to brief him on its contents – and Franklin allegedly obliged. Franklin also passed information gleaned from more highly classified documents, the official said."

The Feds had a live one on the end of the line, and they slowly but surely reeled him in, gathering plenty of evidence before they confronted him. They were after much bigger fish. After all, as Warren Strobel of Knight Ridder reported last year and again on the occasion of Franklin's arrest, FBI counterintelligence had been watching the Israelis and their American fifth column for "more than two years." "According to officials with direct knowledge," writes Strobel,

"The investigation has been under way since at least 2002, and it has involved FBI interviews with officials in Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld's office and elsewhere in the executive branch."

Nabbing Franklin was the breakthrough they had been waiting for. When the FBI finally went in and searched his office and home, they found a treasure trove of evidence: a total of 83 classified documents. According to the affidavit accompanying the prosecutor's complaint, "approximately 38 were classified 'Top Secret.' 37 were classified 'Secret,'" and "approximately eight" were marked "Confidential." There is no mention of AIPAC, nor even the names of Rosen and Weissman, in the affidavit. All reference to Israel has been scrubbed out of the functional, legalistic, unrevealing prose, but there is one real stunner: "The dates of these documents spanned three decades."

What Franklin was maintaining, in effect, was his own private historical repository of classified and in many cases highly sensitive documents. Israeli officials and their American gofers apparently had unlimited privileges at Franklin's little lending library, and this kind of setup was precisely what the FBI had suspected all along. As the Washington Post reported last year, when the story first broke,

"The counterintelligence probe, which is different from a criminal investigation, focuses on a possible transfer of intelligence more extensive than whether Franklin passed on a draft presidential directive on U.S. policy toward Iran, the sources said. The FBI is examining whether highly classified material from the National Security Agency, which conducts electronic intercepts of communications, was also forwarded to Israel."

The Franklin affair branches off into so many different separate-but-related investigations – Chalabi's follies, the Niger uranium mystery, the "outing" of CIA agent Valerie Plame – that, as I wrote last year, we might as well merge the scandals breaking out all over into one big Neocon-gate. Franklin's arrest is the first act of that unfolding drama. "It's not legal to out CIA agents," as I wrote last summer, and "feed forgeries to U.S. intelligence" – but even in an administration where every allowance is made for Israel, and such shenanigans are routinely overlooked, one has to draw the line at espionage.

Franklin faces a maximum of 10 years in prison and a hefty fine for violating Title 18, Section 793(d) of the Espionage Act, making it a crime to transmit

"Any document, writing, code book, signal book, sketch, photograph, photographic negative, blueprint, plan, map, model, instrument, appliance, or note relating to the national defense, or information relating to the national defense which information the possessor has reason to believe could be used to the injury of the United States or to the advantage of any foreign nation."

The "special relationship" between Israel and the United States is about to get a thorough examination as the murky doings of the Mossad in the U.S. are exposed to the light of day. That relationship has so far consisted of the U.S. not only paying a good many of Israel's bills, but also of us fighting their wars for them. As Professor Paul W. Schroeder pointed out in a footnote to a piece in The American Conservative, the U.S. going to war with Iraq:

"Would represent something to my knowledge unique in history. It is common for great powers to try to fight wars by proxy, getting smaller powers to fight for their interests. This would be the first instance I know where a great power (in fact, a superpower) would do the fighting as the proxy of a small client state."

That isn't enough for the Israelis, however: they want the U.S. to keep going. On to Damascus! On to Tehran! The war whoops of their amen corner rend the air. As Michael Ledeen, a leading neocon who has called the charges against Franklin "nonsensical," puts it: "Faster, please."

Now there's a slogan I'd like the FBI, and prosecutor Paul McNulty of the eastern district of Virginia, to take to heart as regards this investigation. A preliminary hearing is scheduled for May 27, but there are several other shoes waiting to drop, including the status of Rosen and Weissman. As Laura Rozen and Jason Vest pointed out in a piece for The American Prospect:

"The FBI is looking into the possibility there's been communication between Israeli elements and U.S. officials, including several who work for Feith and have access to sensitive intelligence on Iran and its nuclear program."

Faster, please!

The trial of Larry Franklin, if it comes to that, will in effect put neoconservatism in the dock. The Franklin affair will go down in history as the neocons' comeuppance, in which the War Party finally paid the price of their hubris. Because they really thought they would get away with it. They could lie us into war, purge their enemies from the government, and commit espionage in the process. They even had a name for their little group, as Seymour Hersh reports:

"They call themselves, self-mockingly, the Cabal – a small cluster of policy advisers and analysts now based in the Pentagon's Office of Special Plans. In the past year, according to former and present Bush administration officials, their operation, which was conceived by Paul Wolfowitz, the deputy secretary of defense, has brought about a crucial change of direction in the American intelligence community. These advisers and analysts, who began their work in the days after Sept. 11, 2001, have produced a skein of intelligence reviews that have helped to shape public opinion and American policy toward Iraq. They relied on data gathered by other intelligence agencies and also on information provided by the Iraqi National Congress, or INC, the exile group headed by Ahmed Chalabi. By last fall, the operation rivaled both the CIA and the Pentagon's own Defense Intelligence Agency, the DIA, as President Bush's main source of intelligence regarding Iraq's possible possession of weapons of mass destruction and connection with al-Qaeda. As of last week, no such weapons had been found. And although many people, within the administration and outside it, profess confidence that something will turn up, the integrity of much of that intelligence is now in question."

The Pentagon department in which Franklin worked was the operational epicenter of the neoconservative faction in the administration, with the high command over at the office of the vice president. It was in Feith's shop that the Office of Special Plans – the locus of so much of the phony "intelligence" that fueled the drive to war with Iraq – was conceived and staffed. Led by one Abram Shulsky, a scholarly authority on the works of the philosopher Leo Strauss – and longtime protégé of uber-neocon Richard Perle, the operation was presided over by William Luti, a disciple of neoconservative arms guru Albert Wohlstetter and a former aide to Newt Gingrich.

The Israeli connection to the Special Plans group was reported by Julian Borger in the Guardian, and former Pentagon analyst Karen Kwiatkowski (ret.), who worked in the same policy shop as Franklin. Colonel Kwiatkowski reports that Israeli military and other officials had the run of the place and were exempted from signing in as required of all other guests.

The traitor Franklin was a small cog in a very extensive underground machinery, one that pumped top-secret documents and other intelligence out of the U.S. government apparatus while it pumped a continuous stream of propaganda and fabricated "intelligence" in. This circuit of deception, we are beginning to learn, was not just the domestic achievement of a group of American ideologues: its success, to date, would not have been possible without covert aid from Israel. That this aid violated the laws of the United States – and was repaid by the neocons with vital U.S. secrets – would not have stopped the "Cabal" from pursing its course. Like all ideologues who wind up committing treason against the Republic, they believe that their supposedly noble ends justify their decidedly ignoble means. That's what Abu Ghraib was all about.

Israel's fifth column is ready and waiting with a barrage of excuses, alternative stories, tales of "entrapment," and a list of red herrings too long to go into here. There will be plenty of time for that at the trial. Until then, however, I have a few questions, by way of preliminaries.

The writer Edwin Black has been energetically pursuing the angle that Rosen, Weissman, and whomever else winds up being involved were all ensnared in a huge "sting" operation designed by anti-Semites in the FBI's counterintelligence unit. The whole investigation is characterized by him as a reenactment of Kristallnacht, and his pieces are invariably sympathetic to Franklin and AIPAC. Black writes:

"The bureau arranged for Franklin to be placed on administrative leave without pay, and then threatened him with years of imprisonment unless Franklin engaged in a series of stings against a list of prominent Washington targets, according to multiple sources with direct knowledge of the FBI's actions in the case.

"Terrified, needing to provide for a wheelchair-bound wife and five children, and without the benefit of legal representation, Franklin agreed to ensnare the individuals on the FBI sting list, the sources said. The list may include as many as six names, according to sources."

In Black's account, Franklin comes across not only as a victim, but as an impoverished victim. Well, then, will someone please explain how a broke mid-level Pentagon analyst managed to post $100,000 to stay out of jail?

How is the pauper Franklin paying for his high-class lawyer, John Thorpe Richards, of the firm Trout Cacheris – as in Plato Cacheris? It was Cacheris, you remember, who defended CIA turncoat Aldrich Ames, double agent Robert Hanssen, and Ana Belen Montes, Castro's top spy in the United States. As Ronald Radosh pointed out so perceptively on David Horowitz's Frontpage Web site, Cacheris' firm "seems to be the chosen counsel for most of the recent American spies for foreign powers."

Until a few months ago, Franklin was utilizing the services of a court-appointed lawyer. That ended when his cooperation with the authorities abruptly halted and he hired Cacheris. But that kind of legal counsel doesn't come cheap. Who is paying the bill?

Another question: why no mention of Israel, or AIPAC, in the affidavit showing probable cause? One correspondent put it to me this way:

"Had AIPAC and Israel appeared in the affidavit, that might be grounds to make AIPAC register as a lobbyist for a foreign government, and otherwise affect its legal status. This also prevents people from waving the affidavit, which is a public record, in the face of Congress and others about what AIPAC is up to. Had Franklin been disclosing information to a Muslim charity, what is the probability that its name would be in the supporting affidavit?"

That sounds about right. On May 22-24, a number of political luminaries are slated to show up at a conference sponsored by AIPAC, including Condoleezza Rice, Nancy Pelosi, and other leaders and luminaries of both parties. They don't want to have to explain to their constituents – and their consciences – how they can honor an organization that has allowed itself to become an engine of espionage against this country. By not mentioning the name of the country that Franklin handed over U.S. secrets to, the Justice Department is granting them some cover, albeit scanty, to hide the nakedness of their treason.

How long is this charade supposed to go on? It is high time that AIPAC does what all foreign agents must do according to federal law – register with the Department of Justice as agents of a foreign power. That way, when the American people hear their message, they can see plainly who and what they are dealing with. The trial of Larry Franklin, God willing, will bring that point home to them as never before.

– Justin Raimondo

Friday, May 06, 2005

Turkish Scientist Mihri Ozkan selected to receive national honor


Mihri Ozkan

Assistant Professor of Electrical Engineering, Mihri Ozkan Selected to Receive National Honor

The American Association of University Women presents one Emerging
Scholar award each year to a woman scholar.
(April 21, 2005)

http://www.newsroom.ucr.edu/cgi-bin/display.cgi?id=1048

http://www.ee.ucr.edu/~mihri/

UC Riverside Assistant Professor of Electrical Engineering Mihri
Ozkan, who conducts multidisciplinary research in fields ranging from
next-generation computer chips to new medical treatments, received the
Emerging Scholar award for 2005 from the American Association of
University Women (AAUW).

The national award recognizes the early professional achievement of an
untenured woman scholar who has demonstrated excellence in research
and teaching and exhibits a commitment to women's issues in the
profession or in the community.

Ozkan conducts research that includes new types of displays,
bio-assisted assembly of electronics and improving diagnostics and
treatment for cancer. In addition to her work in the classroom, Ozkan
works with undergraduate and graduate students in her laboratory. She
is the faculty advisor to UCR's chapter of the Society of Women
Engineers and the faculty mentor for the American Society of Women in
Engineering.

Ozkan's appointment is in the Department of Electrical Engineering,
and she is a member of the Center for Nanoscale Science and
Engineering (CNSE).

"It is rare to find an electrical engineer with such a depth of
training and experience in electronics, biological systems and
materials science," wrote Chancellor France A. Córdova in a letter
nominating Ozkan for the award. "She is using this as a platform for
training our next generation of engineers and scientists to be
creative in approaching our next generation of research challenges."

Founded in 1881, AAUW has more than 100,000 members, 1,300 branches
and 550 college/university institution partners nationwide. The
organization promotes equity for all women and girls, lifelong
education and positive social change.

Recipients receive an honorarium of $5,000 and travel expenses to the
June 2005 AAUW Convention in Washington, D.C.

Ozkan has worked at UCR since 2001. She is the recipient of many other
awards including the Virtual Journal of Nanoscale Science and
Technology's 2004 Frontier Research award, the International Society
of BioMEMS' Visionary Science Award in 2003, the Biomedical
Nanotechnology, Achievement in Technical Ingenuity award in 2003 and
the Regents and Academic Senate faculty excellence awards in 2004 and
2002.

Additional Contacts:

Mihri Ozkan, assistant professor of electrical engineering
The University of California, Riverside is a major research
institution and a national center for the humanities. Key areas of
research include nanotechnology, genomics, environmental studies,
digital arts and sustainable growth and development. With a current
undergraduate and graduate enrollment of nearly 17,000, the campus is
projected to grow to 21,000 students by 2010. Located in the heart of
inland Southern California, the nearly 1,200-acre, park-like campus is
at the center of the region's economic development. Visit www.ucr.edu
or call 951-UCR-NEWS for more information. Media sources are available
at http://www.mediasources.ucr.edu/.

News Media Contact:
Name: Kim Lane
Phone: 951.827.2645
Email: kim.lane@...

Thursday, May 05, 2005

The FBI arrested Israeli Spy

Pentagon Analyst Larry Franklin Finally Arrested For Passing Data On Iran to Israeli Lobby

Analysis by Jose Quinonez


Lawrance Franklin


The FBI arrested a Pentagon analyst Wednesday on charges that he illegally passed classified information about potential attacks against U.S. forces in Iraq to employees of a pro-Israel group.

It appears that the resignation of Douglas Feith from the Pentagon's Office of Special Plans did not close the book on an FBI investigation into a possible Jewish spy ring in Washington. A news story in Haaretz indicated that at minimum we have criminal activity involving a Pentagon official leaking classified information to AIPAC, a pro-Israel lobbying group.

Larry Franklin, 58, of Kearneysville, W. Va., turned himself in Wednesday morning, FBI spokeswoman Debra Weierman said. He was scheduled to make an initial appearance in U.S. District Court in Alexandria, Va., later Wednesday, Weierman said.

The charge is the first in an investigation dating back to 2001 about whether Israel improperly obtained classified U.S. information.

Franklin, who specialized on Iran and Middle Eastern affairs, allegedly gave the information to two people not entitled to receive it at a luncheon meeting at a restaurant in Arlington, Va., in June 2003, FBI agent Catherine Hanna said in an affidavit accompanying the criminal complaint against Franklin. The people at the lunch were employees of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, a law enforcement official said on condition of anonymity because they aren't identified in court papers.

Franklin acknowledged at the lunch that the information was highly classified and asked that it not be used, Hanna said. It concerned possible attacks against U.S. troops by Iranian-backed groups in Iraq, the law enforcement official said.

FBI agents twice searched AIPAC offices as part of the investigation. They also have interviewed two AIPAC employees about whether Franklin gave them classified information that wound up in Israel's hands.

AIPAC said it gave the FBI files related to those same two employees, who previously were identified - Steve Rosen, the director of research, and Keith Weissman, deputy director of foreign policy issues.

Neither still works for the group.

AIPAC declined to comment Wednesday, but has previously said it had done nothing wrong and was cooperating with the investigation.

Franklin's top secret security clearance was suspended in June 2004, the U.S. Justice Department said. He formerly worked in the office of undersecretary for policy, Douglas Feith.

Juan Cole at Informed Comment has been covering this item in more detail and analysis and is the best source on Larry Franklin and AIPAC.

Jose Quinonez blogs at Not-A-Pundit.

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Washington Haber Forum
3 Mart 2005

Israil Istihbarati Amerika'da Turk Vatandaslarini Bilgi Toplamada
Kullaniyor


Jonathan Pollard 1985 yilinda Israil'e casusluk sucundan
yakalandiginda Amerikan Israil iliskilerine bir bomba dustu. Sovyet
istihbarat orgutu KGB ile mucadele eden ve butun gucunu ona harcayan
Amerikan istihbarat birimleri, Sovyetlerin yikilmasi ile Israil'in
Washington'daki illegal istihbarat faaliyetlerinden haberdar olmaya
baslamislardi.

Aslinda Amerikan istihbarat birimlerinin Israil'in Washington'daki
aktivitelerini en acik sekilde ogrendikleri olay 1982 yilinda meydana
gelen Steve Bryent skandali idi. Steve Bryent Israil'e casusluk
yapmaktan yakalandi. Daha sonra Amerikan ulusal guvenlik tarihinin en
gizli sirlarinin baska bir ulkeye satildigi Pollard dosyasi gundeme
bomba gibi dusmustu. Pollard Amerikan Deniz Kuvvetleri istihbarat
sirlarini ve NSA'deki ulasabildigi dosyalari ayda 2500 dolar gibi
dusuk bir rakama New York'da tanistigi MOSSAD yetkilisine
gonderiyordu. Amerikan ic guvenlik bakanliginin bir yetkilisi Pollard
olayinin tamamen bir sans eseri olarak bulundugunu soyledi.
Israil'in Amerikan aleyhi aktivitilerinin Sovyetlerin Amerika aleyhi
yaptigi calismalara benzedigini soyleyen ayni yetkili Pollard
olayinin Amerikan birimlerinin gozunu acitigini ve Israil'in
istihbarat faaliyetlerinin Amerikan Ulusal Cikarlarini tehditte
istihbarat birimleri tarafindan birinci seviyeye getirildigini
belirtti. Soguk savas donemindeki Sovyet tehdinin yerini Israil
tehdidi almisti.

1991 yilinda AIPAC adli Amerikan Musevi birligi Bush hukumetinde
baska bir sizma olayina karisti. FBI'in olayi arastirmasi uzerine
Baskan Bush zarar verecegi endisesi ile bu olay o donemde kapatildi
ve ileride gundeme getirilmek uzere 'SSF' bolumlerine konuldu.

Israil'in Washington'da yaptigi en ilginc aktivite ise Beyaz saray'in
telefonlarini 1997 yilinda dinlemesi oldu. MOSSAD'in bu dinleme
operasyonunu tespit eden FBI, dinleyenleri dinlemeye aldi ve belli
bir sure tepki vermeden yapilanlari takip etti. Fakat olay Monica
Lewinsky olayinida beraberinde getirince Israil hukumeti bu konuda
uyarildi.

1998 ve 1999 yillarinda Amerikan Disisleri bakanliginda mustesar olan
Martin Indyk Israil ile ilgili yaptigi ilginc calismalar FBI'in
dikkatini cektmisti, bu yuzden Martin Indyk guvenlik sorusturmasi
gecirdi ve 'security clearence' adi verilen guvenlik derecesi iptal
edildi.

Amerikan ic guvenlik bakanligi bir yetkilisi 2000 yillardan itibaren
Israil'in Amerika ve bilhassa Washington'da ki aktivitelerinde
degisiklik yaptigini "sayanim" yani yardimcilar, yerine baska etnik
yapilari kullanmaya calistigini soyledi. Yardimcilar olarak
adlandirilan guruplarin aslinda Yahudilerden olustugunu, fakat yeni
gurubun sadece Yahudi olmayip bilhassa Turk Vatandasi kisilerden
meydana geldigini belirtti. Bu kisilerin Turk derneklerinde, Turk
lobisinde ve Turk basininda aktif calismalar yaptigini soyledi. 2004
yazinda yasanan Pentagon'daki Israil'e casusluk olayinda da benzer
kisilerin ve yontemlerin kullandildigini soyleyen ayni yetkili bu
olayda adi gecen Larry Franklin'inde Yahudi olmadigini, bunda sonra
Israil'in bilhassa Turk vatandaslari ve derneklerinde gorevli kisiler
vasitasi ile Amerika aleyhine casusluk yapmakta kullanilmasinin
artabilecegini soyledi ve Pentagon'daki casusluk sorusturmasinin
aslinda kapanmadigini bu dosyanin ve sorusturmanin hala devam
ettigini sozlerine ekledi.Bu sorusturma icindeki bir kisinin bir Turk
disisleri yetkilisi ile surekli bulustugunu, tespit ettiklerini ayni
kisinin su an Washington'da olmadigini bir ortadogu ulkesinde Turk
elciliginde calistigini belirtti.